Imagining Local Government Election in Malaysia (2)

March 24, 2010

It is a blow to all Malaysian that the Election commission announces that local government elections cannot be held. The reason for it is that the provisions under the Local Government Elections Act 1960 have been abolished. It is understandable, as they (Election Commision) have no authoritative decision to allow it to happen since the Local Government Act 1976 has clearly stated in Section 15(1) “all provisions in any law relating to local government elections shall cease to have force or effect”. And it is also said that all local councillors are “to be appointed by the State Authority” in Section 10 of the Local Government Act 1976. To put it plainly, having ‘Local Government Election’ goes against the Law of Malaysia. Therefore, the Election Commission Chairman Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof is powerless to even suggest it and his decision to give a ‘thumbs-up’ is restricted by the act.

The issue of Local Government Election is often dealt lightly in the eyes of many young voters. Possible answer for that repercussion is that the Gen-X and Gen-Y Malaysian has never heard about Local Government Election. This is because all local government elections had been entirely abolished since July 1972.  The democratic rights to chose and elect your local authority of the three tier government structure in Malaysia has been denied for nearly forty years. Talk about “Rakyat Didahulukan”, the basic grass roots level of democratic process is denied. Paraphrasing the words of our Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak – fearing that the “over-focus” on the political process will hamper the aim to improve services to the people; it is a debatable statement and should not be seen as a valid and justifiable excuse.

In connection to that, there is a possibility that his statement on 9th of March 2010 may influence the EC’s announcement today, but that is only an assumption. Bearing in mind, although he (Chairman Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof)  is appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, it has been argued that under Article 40 of the Constitution, the King cannot act on his own discretion unless explicitly stated; in all other cases, he must acquiesce to the advice of the Prime Minister, and as such the appointments to the Commission are made with the advice of the Prime Minister. Is his job at stake? Or is he merely deciding on this matter in accordance to the Local Government Act 1976 – that’s another assumption.

The Penang and Selangor Government can only push the matter this far and further demand for this Local Government Act 1976 to be amended is pointless and a waste of time. Datuk Kalakau Untol made it very clear in his speech at Stadium Melawati, Shah Alam during Pakatan Rakyat Selangor’s March 8 Anniversary. He said that there’s a lot of limitation for the opposition to make Malaysia a better nation. The only way is through the Federal Government. The real authority is in the hands of the citizens in the next election and not in the hands of Tan Sri Abdul Aziz.

Imagining A Forgiving Malaysia

June 25, 2009

Chin Peng, the leader of Communist Party of Malaya who is now living in exile in Thailand had once again request for permission to step foot on Malaysia.

This is not the first time such request was made. The world thought after the fall of the iron curtain, Malaysia would be more forgiving. Now that Malaysia’s diplomatic relationship with Russia (military weapons and Space deals) and China (contributing $39.06 billion in trade) is  encouraging and growing,  we would believe that Malaysia had forgiven the communist.

The local media, upon receiving the news of Chin Peng’s request, produced a bias opinion of the matter. It is more likely an opinion by the ruling political party and never the opinion of the masses. The issue is not about the communist, or the idea of communism anymore. It had become a personal issue against Chin Peng and nothing else. The decision to disallow Chin Peng return to Malaysia was portrayed as a victorious triumph.

Paid his dues. Don't you think it's time to forgive?

Paid his dues. Don't you think it's time to forgive?

In my opinion the ability to forgive Chin Peng’s wrong doing is the most victorious and bravest act.

P.S: the news the other day interviewed a Malaysian soldier who lost his leg while fighting against the communist during the emergency period. With tears and sad music in the background of the interview, he insisted on not letting Chin Peng come back for he had done too many things that angered him and the nation.

If I were there, I would like to ask him… “You’re about 70years old right? Don’t tell me you want to take this anger of yours to your grave?? Let it go… die in peace tok.”

Imagining Malaysia with Local Government Election

June 24, 2009

The importance of Local Government Election

The significance of a Local Government Election is clear as it is a system which accommodates and totally reliable to the local residents. Gerry Stoker states that ‘The Local Government and democracy is especially attractive because it involves a decentralization of power and the opportunity to use local knowledge to meet local needs. (Prachett & Wilson 1996:188) It is logically better and effective in determining the needs of the people as well as a very assuring thing by the local towards the elected councilor. In addition to that, as Colin Rallings,Michael Temple & Michael Thrasher  state in their essay “Participation in Local Elections” state that ‘Without voters who could identify and recognize the community of interest in the new administrative boundaries the idea of local democracy would be a sham.’ (Prachett & Wilson 1996:62)

By having a Local Election, transparency is assured. In contrast with a appointed local councilor, the appointed may be deem to so many negative speculations. Opposition party and also the people cannot help but be skeptical in the appointed councilor. Therefore, Local Election promises openness and diminishes corruptions.  Gerry Stoker on the openness of Local Governance: The crucial value of good governance is that the system is open, has low barriers to the expression of dissent and limits the disadvantages of the poorly organized and resourced. (Prachett & Wilson 1996:195)

Last but not least, a local election gives the local voters an upper and important hand in ensuring the urban development and maintenance without any heavy responsibility or repercussion. Even if there’s any, the local voters can change the councilor in the next local election. As how Anne Phillips also stated; The great advantage of representative democracy is that elections put the voters on a potential footing, for they make no excessive demands on the citizens’ energy time. (Prachett & Wilson 1996:28)

 

Democracy and Electoral System is Malaysia’s Administration Foundation.

On February 1952, the first election was held in Kuala Lumpur which marked the first step towards Malaysia’s independence and Nation-building process. That important and historical event confirms Malaysia’s establishment on a firm foundation of a democratic process since from the very beginning. It comes to prove that Democracy and the electoral process are inseparatable element in Malaysia. In support of this, Anne Philips suggests that: I have suggested that the case for local democracy depends heavily on its role in extending and enhancing democracy, and that this is the cornerstone on which to erect arguments for local democracy. (Prachett & Wilson 1996:27)

Therefore in all areas of political authoritization which bears a certain degree of responsibility and power towards the masses should be elected by the people and not appointed. It should at least start at the lowest of the three tier government structure which is seen as the foundation of the Nation.

 

Bibliography

Pratchett, L. (ed) & Wilson, D. (ed). 1996. Local Democracy and Local Government. Hong Kong. Macmillan Press Ltd.

Is there a Soe Hok Gie in Malaysia?

May 5, 2009

gieThere is a huge lacking of revisioning in Malaysia’s history. Our history books in school had taught us about the story of political winners. The losers are forgotten even though their contribution to the Malaysia’s struggle for freedom and nation building are equally great, if not, better than the ones we know about.

Reading through some of the works Farish A. Noor and Zawiah Yahya had revealed to most of us the importance of knowing the deeds of the subalterns. Malaysian had got enough stories of the bureaucrats and the bourgeois or even stories of the dominant race. It is not implying the suggestion that the current facts in the mainstream history are false or not important; but an urge and a plea to expand and include other historical facts without political biasness.

So, do we have a “Soe Hok Gie” in Malaysia? We do. People like Lim Kean Chye, Yahya Nassim, Hashim Said, Zainuddin Andika and Majid Salleh are the “Soe Hok Gie” of Malaysia. They fought against giants like how Gie fought against Sukarno. Talk about fighting the giants, the name of Abdullah C.D and Chin Peng must be mention as well.

Without a constant revisioning on the history of Malaysia, our nation will be a pretty unimaginative place.

Is Asian Nationalism Unique?

May 3, 2009

Prof. Dr. Benedict Anderson predictably started out his speech by highlighting the historical evidence of Asia’s Nationalism. He claims that the origin of Asia’s nationalism has its roots from Japanese Pan-Asianism in the 1890s till the end of World War II. Also not forgetting the early nationalism in Hindu India, Catholic Philippines ad Buddhist Japan and also Taiwanese Nationalism in the 1980s; all in their own ways contribute and influence towards Asia’s unique nationalism.

Nationalism has always been regarded as a solid foundation and a concrete representation. But in truth, it is the most fluid idea. Now, the concept of imagined communities will coincide with this argument as it matches the idea that a nation (which made up of many people) is bind together on the basis of imagination.

He then claims that Nationalism is basically a way of thinking and looking at the world. I personally find this connection to be very informative and refreshing as well. If I may use an analogy, how we view and feel about other nations around us depends mostly upon the lens we use to see things, and that lens is the nationalistic value we subscribed upon. Nationalism is indeed a tool which harbors ethnocentricism.

Borrowing some of the points from his famous book “The Imagined Communities” with some of his personal observation on Asia, this is what he finds about the uniqueness of Asia Nationalism:

1. Creole Nationalism

-          Champions the concept egalitarian administration. It demands equality and rejects monarchy, feudalism, dictatorship and etc…

 

2. Linguistic Nationalism

-          A nationalism based on Culture and identity. It stresses the need to restore national culture through the development of local culture. Focus on common values for national unity.

 

3. Official Nationalism

-          A strategy to maintain authority and power over a nation.

-          Officialized or nationalized something to maintain power.

 

4. Anti-Colonial Nationalism

-          Boast about ancient empires. If don’t have, create one.

-          Always use anti-colonial heroes to boost nationalistic feelings.

 

5. Long Distance Nationalism

-          Now with advance communication Technology, nationalism can be practice even though one is not in the country.

 

Prof. Dr. Benedict Anderson did not clarify whether the Asia’s nationalism he describes above are in its chronological order (as in did every Asian Nation went through all these Nationalism before it becomes what it is today). However, one thing can be said for sure is that Malaysia does have some of the characteristic mention above  through out its 52 years of existence.


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